The Elections: Part Two "The Graying of Israel"

Dateline: Jerusalem, March 31, 2006

Last night the final tallies of the election on March 28th came in. Kadimah—to no one’s surprise—led the pack of 31 contending parties with 29 mandates (i.e. 29 seats) in the upcoming 17th Knesset. Surprising was how poorly the Likud fared winning only 12 mandates making it the fourth leading party after Kadimah, Labor (with 20 mandates) and the ultra-orthodox Sephardic Shas party (with 12 mandates).

Because the final count gave the Likud 12 mandates and the right-wing Israel Beiteinu party of Avigdor Lieberman (supported mainly by immigrants from the FSU) 11 mandates, Bibi Netanyahu has narrowly retained his position as the leader of the right-wing bloc of parties in the Knesset. However (and this is a big however), as I write this Netanyahu’s leadership of the Likud—and, indeed his very political survival—is in contention as the second tier if Likud leadership represented by Silvan Shalom (the former Foreign Minister in Sharon’s government) are busy at work planning to unseat Netanyahu and revivify their party. But, Bibi has surprised us before, rising phoenix-like from the ashes of defeat, though many here in and out of Likud hope that he will go back to selling patio furniture in the U.S.

Now, the big and I mean really BIG election surprise was the astounding victory of the Gil or the “Pensioners’” party. Originally written off as just one more fringe party that would never reach the 2% voter threshold for Knesset representation, the party won an incredible 7 mandates in the new Knesset representing 5.9% of all the votes cast! This was achieved as a result of a sizeable (and unpredicted) vote of support from younger—even much younger—segments of the voting public. The Gil party has but one item on its agenda and that is the preservation and enhancement of the rights and benefits of retired people. It has neither foreign nor domestic agendas. Therefore, the Gil party was a logical (though unanticipated) address for disillusioned voters to send their vote of protest and still be counted as; “blank” voting slips are not legitimate. Today’s pundits attribute this protest vote against the other major parties as the key to Gil’s success in the polls. Nonetheless, the party headed by Rafi Eitan, a dear friend and supporter of Ariel Sharon, and represented by six other newly-elected Knesset members who formerly supported either Sharon or Labor, can surely be counted in the center-left bloc that is expected to emerge as the dominant force in the soon-to-be-formed government.

It is the formation of that new government that is the topic of conversation in the media, the cafes and backrooms of the parties who made it into the 17th Knesset. Interestingly, Ehud Olmert (expected to be the candidate designated as the head of the new government by Israeli President Moshe Katzav on Sunday) has been rather quiet. Instead the media machine has been percolating with reports of the other parties—notably Labor, and Shas—jockeying for position and portfolios in the new government. Labor leader Amir Peretz has been busy since results were in Tuesday night meeting with Eli Yishai of Shas and Rafi Eitan of Gil hoping to cobble together a bloc with a common social and economic agenda to win control of at least two of the important “social” ministries: the Finance, the Interior, the Education and the Health ministries. Peretz has said that he is interested neither in the Foreign Ministry nor the Defense Ministry as they are not vehicles through which he can further what is being called the “March Revolution” which clearly put the social agenda at the forefront of voters’ concerns.

In fact, it is fascinating to note that despite the rise of Hamas, the threats from Iran and the intrusion of Al Qaeda into the region, neither the bellicose breast-pounding of Likud nor the call-to-arms of the right-wing parties following the disengagement from Gaza and violence at Amonah could trump the social and economic concerns of the Israeli public. The Thatcheresque reforms to the economy under Netanyahu’s aegis may have made the Israeli economy healthier from a free-market perspective, but were too draconian in the cutting of the social-basket to win the support of the people. Israelis feel more threatened by attacks to their pocketbook than by attacks from Hamas—that, many believe, is the message sent by the electorate at the polls last Tuesday.

So, for now we wait and see. The card game of putting together the new government has just begun—we just hope that it does not result in a house of cards, unstable and easily toppled. Olmert would probably prefer a government coalition comprising Kadimah, Labor, Shas, Gil and, possibly, United Torah Judaism (an Ashkenazi ultra-orthodox party), with Israel Beiteinu added to the soup. This would give Olmert a commanding 85 mandates within his government. In addition, he could certainly count on Meretz to support any further disengagement, thus giving the new prime minister a whopping 91 mandates to back him as he furthers Kamiah’s agenda—and this is without relying for support upon the 9 mandates held by the United Arab Lists, Balad (an Arab party) and Hadash (communists).

If, as Bibi Netanyahu characterized it, this election was a referendum on the course set by Ariel Sharon, then the nation has spoken and Ariel Sharon, resting and unconscious in his Hadassah Hospital bed, has emerged as the real victor in the race to win the hearts and minds (and votes) of the people of Israel. To be sure, and without any doubt, a new era has begun.

Shalom from Jerusalem

The Elections: Part One

Dateline: Jerusalem, March 28, 2006

Today is Election Day here in Israel. Thus concludes one of the more lackluster but no less significant elections in Israel’s brief history. Many important issues are at stake today, most importantly the immediate future of disengagement from the Palestinians and the direction of the Israeli socio-economic policies for the next few years. Though people outside of Israel here more about the former issue, the latter is no less important in a society wherein fully one-third of all children live under the official poverty level and pensioners find themselves facing higher costs with diminishing resources. Here at home, all the parties have had to address these issues vital to Israel’s existence and well-being but a few parties have arisen to focus attention most directly on particular concerns. Among the 31 (yes, I said 31) parties on the voting list, there is a pensioners’ party whose raison d’être is to lobby on behalf of pensioners’ rights—surprisingly, some pollsters predict that this party has a chance of meeting the 2% threshold of the electorate necessary to win a seat in the 120-seat Knesset. The Labor Party under its new leader, Amir Peretz, has positioned itself as the champion of the socially and economically downtrodden. And, of course, all the contending parties present themselves as the best choice to insure Israel’s security, especially as we face the threat of a Hamas-led Palestinian Authority.

You would think that these critical issues would drive the electorate to the polls en masse. In past elections Israeli’s have turned out to vote in astounding numbers, hovering around 80% of the eligible voters who exercised their mandate. These numbers dipped recently in the 2003 election when only 67.8% of the electorate cast a ballot. This number is still impressive when you consider that in the 2000 US presidential election only 49.3% of American voters went to the polls. Still, election-watchers predict that today’s turnout will be even smaller than the 2003 election. Many Israelis either believe that a Kadimah victory is a sure thing and they are apathetic or they are completely disillusioned by the state of the polity and the direction of their government and will sit home in protest. We will know more tonight when the polls close at 10:00 PM Israel time. By tomorrow morning we will know which parties benefited most from today’s vote.

What, me worry? Wendy emerges from the voting booth with ballot in hand ready to place it in the ballot box.

At least I know of two enthusiastic voters today. Wendy and I cast our votes this morning. It was an incredibly simple procedure, especially when compared to the American (i.e. California) system. Instead of receiving a voters’ booklet filled with candidates’ statements, propositions and measures, we were mailed a little card with the number and location of our polling station. All that we needed to know in advance was which party we planned to support with our vote. Here you mark your ballot for neither candidate nor issue, in fact, you do not mark a ballot at all.

According to the Israeli electoral system, each voter casts a vote for a party (not a specific candidate). You enter a room with a table at which sit the PAID election workers with representatives of each party somewhere about. Once you verify your qualifications to vote by presenting your identity card and being dutifully checked off the list by the elections official, you are handed an opaque blue envelope and instructed to enter the voting booth. Inside you find a multi-compartment box. In each compartment there is a small piece of paper—one for each of the 31 eligible parties plus a stack of blank ballots. On each ballot is printed the 1-3 lettered “logo” of the party plus it name in small print below. This is to insure that even the illiterate can exercise their right to vote just by memorizing a few letters (though this might give the advantage to those parties whose logo is but a single letter!). Finding your party’s scrip in the box, you then place it in the envelope (only one per envelope, any more and your vote is disqualified), and seal it (I hope I don’t develop “voter’s flu”). After emerging from the voting booth you put your ballot into the blue cardboard box that serves as the receptacle of this sacred census, much as the box that collected the half-shekel that tallied the strength of our biblical forebears. And that’s it, you’ve voted!

The whole process takes less than a minute, therefore there are no long lines or interminable wait as that damnable idiot before you reads every candidate’s name and the synopsis of each ballot measure because s-he did not read their voters’ booklet in advance of entering the voting booth. So, which system is superior? That answer is beyond the purview of this brief account of our initiation to being Israeli voters. I’ll leave that up to you to decide. But, of this I am sure, today we participated in an exercise of pure democracy as experienced in precious few nations today, most particularly in this part of the world. Part two will follow tomorrow as I report on the results of today’s voting.

Until then, shalom from Jerusalem.

Kaddish for a Bar

I saw it while I was walking downtown yesterday. I didn’t quite believe it, but I knew that it was inevitable and wasn’t surprised. The venerable Fink’s Bar near the corner of HaHistadrut and King George streets was gone. In its place is a branch of the new and glitzy chain of fast-food eateries that are booming up all over town. A strange sadness overcame me as I gazed in silence at the former watering hole once prized by journalists and diplomats as the finest bar in the Middle East and one of the finest in the world.

Now, why would I mourn the loss of a bar? I am by no means a barfly. I drink only occasionally and then, rarely more than one martini (Grey Goose, extra dry straight up with a twist) or a single malt scotch (old and smooth). But, Fink’s is, or was, no ordinary bar; Fink’s was an institution, part of the colorful history of Israel and the Middle East. It was the tangible connection to history that I miss more than the excellent martinis (more than a rarity in Jerusalem) and the mediocre Middle European food that marked Fink’s.

Fink’s was opened in 1932 by Moshe Fink, a courtly European innkeeper of the old school. Since 1945 the bar-restaurant was managed by the Rothschilds, first Dave and then his son-in-law Mouli. It was under Mouli’s reign at the bar that I came to know Fink’s. It was a tiny place—just six small tables and a few stools at the bar. The decor was old and tacky, looking the same in 2005 as it did 40 years earlier. Framed bar jokes and cartoons displayed humor as old and dusty as the surroundings. There was even one of those glass birds that bobbed up-and-down over a glass of colored liquid—as if praying paeans to the powers of booze. The bar was well stocked, to be sure, but to the untrained eye did not seem any more so than any other neighborhood bar. But, to the cognoscenti, Fink’s was known as a Mecca of mixology. There was hardly a mixed drink that could not be conjured to perfection by the barman. And, if you even mentioned a brand—no matter how esoteric—you would not be surprised to see it on the shelf behind the bar the next time you came by. Solomon, the young barkeep who was the last of a long and distinguished line of those who practiced at the bar, was so knowledgeable about whiskeys that he was a published author on the subject.

Fink’s fame was such that it was heralded by Newsweek Magazine as “one of the best bars in the world,” and it was also featured as one of the best by Time Magazine and Reader’s Digest.
The great and the near great sipped and supped at Fink’s over the years. Its long list of celebrity clientele included Marc Chagall, Leonard Bernstein, Isaac Stern, Paul Newman, Kirk Douglas, and more. But, it was as a watering hole for journalists, politicians and diplomats that Fink’s held real distinction. It is said that a diplomat, politician or public figure who has not been to Fink’s is simply not worth knowing. Legend has it that at the conclusion of the first Gulf War, the crew of CNN called in a reservation to Fink’s from Baghdad. Another story holds that Henry Kissinger was refused service at Fink’s because he demanded that the bar be closed for his exclusive use.

But, putting aside all the glitz and glamour of its customers (though by no means its ambience), for me the real significance of Fink’s is its role in history. It is, no was, a real historic landmark.
In its early years during the British mandate of Palestine Fink’s was an oasis of cordial interaction for the city’s British, Jewish and Arab elite. With the mixing together in the confines and conviviality of the bar of the three sides of the evolving conflict, who knows what secrets were passed or diplomatic initiatives floated under the watchful eye of the Jewish underground spying through the peephole above the door to the kitchen? And, because of its deceptive neutrality, Fink’s was the perfect place to locate a slick hiding the arms of the Haganah from the prying eyes of the British soldiers having a gin and tonic just ten feet away.

After Independence, Fink’s lost none of its cache as a gathering place for the movers-and-shakers who shaped the modern history of the Middle East and, especially of the young State of Israel. The likes of Moshe Dayan, Golda Meir, Itzhak Rabin, Abba Eban and Shimon Peres entertained visiting diplomats and dignitaries under the gaze of the tight-lipped bartender—always a paragon of discretion befitting one who was entrusted with the world secrets and delicate negotiations being discussed in his presence. Treaties and policies were crafted over drinks at Fink’s.

Over the years, Fink’s loyal following began to dwindle as the city and its tastes changed. There were fewer and fewer tourists who sought out Fink’s for its food, though it remained one of the few restaurants in Jerusalem where you could order Goulash soup, chopped liver and melon, homemade herring in Sherry, Tafelspitz and real wiener schnitzel—all authentic but hardly haute cuisine. And, with the advent of the numerous 5-star hotels and their bars, who needed to trudge over to Fink’s for a cocktail no matter how skillfully concocted.

About a year and a half ago (around October of 2004), Fink’s underwent a revolution—it went kosher. Succumbing to the realities of an ever-growing orthodox population in the city, Fink’s retooled its menu and completely converted its kitchen to attract more customers. But, alas, even this attempt at rescuing this temple of tippling was to no avail. The week that we arrived in Jerusalem in July Fink’s closed its doors for the last time. An institution, no, an historical landmark in this land of history passed from history. For months, the chained and bolted entry to the bar stood in silent mourning for its demise. I could deal with that, though sealed and empty, it still stood as witness to all that transpired within its shabby walls.

Then, as I got off the bus yesterday I saw that all remnants of Fink’s had disappeared. Neither plaque nor marker noted what once stood there. Instead a polished and new display case of pastries and light lunches occupied the spot where Solomon and his predecessors ruled the bar and windows brought the light and the street noise into what was once the intimate smoky shadows where history was made not just talked about.

It never ceases to amaze me how this country, seemingly obsessed with history and the redemption of the past, where archaeology is a national pastime, can so cavalierly erase remnants of its recent national legacy. And not just Fink’s is gone; it has joined the likes of the Café Atarah on Ben Yehudah Street where the Palmach (the striking arm of the pre-state Haganah army) met on the mezzanine—now a Burger King, and the Alaska ice cream parlor on Jaffa Road where the leaders of the Irgun conspired and planned their resistance to the British overlords—transformed into a pharmacy. Each of them is gone now and soon so will those who remembered them.

But, time and progress wait for no one and for no place, no matter how good the martinis were.
From now on, as I alight from the number 8 bus on King George, I know that I will look up and cast my gaze on the corner of HaHistadrut Street. And, I assure you, I will not see the glass and chrome eatery of the present, but—at least in my mind’s eye—I shall see the old brown exterior of Fink’s with its heavy metal and glass door providing entry to the warmth, culture and aromas of a time now passed. May its memory be for a blessing.

Shalom from Jerusalem.

Polls Push Pols

Something wonderful arrived in the mail yesterday. Much anticipated, it arrived without fanfare or formality. It was a small card; most unassuming and easy to mistake for a postal notice regarding a missed package delivery. Yet, this little card delivered a powerful message indeed. It was the notice of my registration in the voting rolls and the location of my polling place for the upcoming national elections to be held on March 28th.

It is now official! I am truly an Israeli, qualified to exercise my franchise to vote as a full-fledged citizen of the State of Israel. Now, into the fray of the Byzantine world that is Israeli politics.

I have been following Israeli politics for more than thirty years, but now, as a voter, I cast a different eye upon those parties and candidates that seek to woo the vote that I shall cast in about four weeks time. To be honest, by the standards of the last several elections this has been (at least to date) a rather lackluster election season. Absent are the fire and passion displayed in previous parliamentary contests. Walking the streets you would hardly know that there was an election going on—no one in faction colors standing on the corner passing out propaganda, no poster-hangers competing with one another to make sure their party’s posters are displayed most prominently, no mass rallies. Beginning next Tuesday we are promised a barrage of TV spots and advertisements, but that is about all.

Pundits posit all sorts of reasons for this—from the somber electoral mood following Prime Minister Sharon’s debilitating stroke, to the fact the his Kadima party seems so unassailable in the polls that the best the opposing parties can do is jockey for position in any upcoming coalition. Add to this the fact that there are no singular, standout candidates; just politicians worrying about their political future should their party do poorly at the polls. So we have Bibi Netanyahu and Amir Peretz fighting for their political lives and the National Religious Party and the secular right-wing National Union parties sharing a political bed hoping (against hope) that together they can garner the votes that neither party can hope to accrue on its own. That’s about as exciting as it has gotten. Each party—right, left and center—promising that its platform and its leadership can best counter the victory of Hamas in the recent Palestinian elections.

In keeping with the Kafka-esque political reality of the Middle East, March 28th also marks the deadline for Hamas to form the new Palestinian government. With no clear indication that Hamas will succeed in forming a unity government with the remnants of Fatah, the various Israeli parties are positioning themselves to confront a hostile, intransigent and Iranian-dependent radical regime ruling the Palestinian Authority. Despite the best attempts of the present government and our American allies, it is not likely that Israel will be successful in maintaining a united international front to isolate an unreconstructed Hamas-led government. This poses enormous challenges for all the parties which must convince the electorate that their party will best be able to confront Hamas while capitalizing on the international good-will and political capital won by the Sharon government. Not knowing in advance what the new Palestinian Authority will look like makes for very cautious politicking by the Israeli parties. The only parties that are clear and unambiguous in defining their position towards dealing with the Palestinians are the right-wing parties who reject outright any possibility of a Palestinian state and argue against any territorial compromise.

It is for this reason that this is an important election, perhaps one of the most important elections in Israel’s history. Despite the electioneering which so far has inspired more ennui than enthusiasm the composition and comportment of the next Knesset and the ruling coalition that will emerge as a result of these elections will determine Israel’s security and destiny at a critical moment.

Kadima is touted to be the clear winner in the race with an estimated 36-39 mandates (as of the most recent polls this week). This is a decline from the 44-46 mandates that were expected when the party was formed, but still a comfortable margin over any second-place party, whether that be Labor or Likud. Both of those parties presently are estimated to receive no more than 17 mandates. With 61 mandates required to govern, it is clear that Kadima will have to put together a coalition government incorporating one or more of the smaller parties. The question is, which ones?

There is nothing that would better serve the interests of Kadima and its leader, Ehud Olmert, than to take BOTH Labor and Likud and hang them out to dry outside of the coalition. Weakened so severely, the parties sitting in opposition would undergo a significant internal shake-up effectively neutralizing their efficacy as a counter-force to a Kadima-led government.

Of course, this means that Kadima will have to cobble together a coalition from the remaining parties. Likely candidates are Shas (the ultra-orthodox Sephardic party) with a projected 9-10 mandates and United Torah Judaism (also ultra-orthodox) pegged to win 5-6 mandates. Adding the Russian-based Israel Beiteinu’s 8 mandates would give a Kadima-led coalition as many as 63 votes out of 120 in the Knesset. Not a comfortable margin by any means, but enough to govern.

In exchange for their support both Shas and UTJ will demand control of the government’s religious and social policies and the ministries that implement them. This will effectively turn the complicated issues regarding religion and state over to the ultra-orthodox interests. There will be absolutely no reason for a Kadima-led coalition to address the important religious issues that divide our society today. There will be little if any hope for non-orthodox streams to make any gains in the struggle to achieve their rights.

Moreover, this will be a definitively right-of-center coalition. Foreign policy will be controlled by those who are reluctant to make the concessions and compromises necessary if there is to be any hope of peace now or in the future with the Palestinians. The only chance for a peace agenda to be advanced will be if one or more of the left-of-center parties are brought into the coalition. For this to happen, Labor must position itself to be a viable coalition partner. That means that Labor will have to conduct a campaign based more on promoting its agenda and less on attacking Olmert and Kadima. In addition, Meretz—the center-left party (with its predicted 4-5 mandates), needs to increase its clout by at least 2 mandates if it is to become an attractive alternative to Shas and/or UTJ in a coalition.

Kadima is a diverse party with representatives on both the left and right of the centrist spectrum. It has enough of a rightward inclination to balance forces pushing from coalition partners on the left. Thus with a coalition including Kadima, Labor and Meretz (and, perhaps Israel Beiteinu to give more balance from the right) the momentum for disengagement will continue in a cautious and measured manner. Also, such as coalition will be prepared—should the unlikely possibility arise—to respond to significant overtures from the Palestinians to resume negotiations towards a permanent solution.

And finally—though by no means less significantly—such a coalition would be the best government to deal with Israel’s troubling social and economic problems. Today more than 1/3 of Israel’s children live below the poverty line. The gap between rich and poor (once the smallest in the developed world) is enormous and the economic policies cast by Netanyahu when he was Finance Minister have exacerbated these problems. There needs to be a coalition with a strong, effective social and economic agenda. I believe that the coalition of Kadima-Labor-Meretz-Israel Beiteinu can achieve this.

For now, Kadima is far ahead and a Kadima-Labor-Meretz-Israel Beiteinu coalition is most unlikely but, with four weeks left to go in the campaign, things could change. That is part of the excitement of Israeli politics—the polls can change daily and the only percentages that really count are those that emerge on March 28th.

My little white card is pinned on the bulletin board before me now. It doesn’t look like much; it is quite unassuming but, what incredible power it possesses.

Shalom from Jerusalem